Rybak’s Rules

The sub-prime education crisis

Coming soon and you heard it here first

A friend of mine turned me on to a recent piece in the New Yorker on the state of higher education in America. The author is responding to the supposed crisis in the education sector and essentially debunking it. Now you’re welcome to review the article, written with the style and in the elevated prose that one would expect from such an esteemed publication, but the piece also rests on what I consider to be an unimaginably ignorant premise. The system must work, or so we should believe, simply because so many people are lining up for school. If the educational system were broken, people would presumably be opting out of it.

Now, bearing in mind that this article takes an American context, there’s already one huge problem. Many people are opting out of the public system down there. If one allows that education includes any kind of organized learning at all then sure, I suppose it’s easy to establish that lots of people are in favour of receiving that. But in America it is increasingly delivered by private or partly private institutions. So taking all forms of education and throwing them into one big pot only confirms one of the most basic facts about today’s modern society that everyone knew already. We all need to spend more time learning, and while we may have some choices over what and how we learn it’s hardly an option at all to simply opt out of education entirely.

More critically to the Canadian experience, this article also omits any real attempt to grapple with the ballooning cost of modern education and the resulting debt that often follows. And here is where I’ll introduce a concept that we all need to hear and think more about. It’s the idea of sub-prime education. Degrees that we are putting out on the market that are unlikely to pay off. Education that doesn’t actually create higher pay or better jobs or new opportunities. Sub-prime education.

The sub-prime mortgage crisis is often referenced but rarely understood. I’m not an economist but allow me to give a primer. American politics and American citizens bought widely and deeply into the narrative of home ownership. Home ownership was seen as the route to both private and public prosperity. So huge government programs were created to get as many people buying homes as possible and many citizens gladly mortgaged themselves to the hilt in order to buy as much property as they could possibly afford. And for a while it seemed to work. Unfortunately, many of the home loans put out there so that people could afford these mortgages were sub-prime. Prime is the rate at which a lending institution loans money to individuals it considers to be a good bet. Sub-prime is a higher rate, reflecting the fact that the lending institution considers the borrower to be a worse bet. Spread the risk over enough weak borrowers and the extra tax helps cover the occasional default. That’s the basic premise. It gets more complicated when banks start trading these loans and packaging them as investment vehicles, but that’s the basic premise.

What banks did not count on is that when the property market started to tank it created a cascade effect. Lack of faith caused the value of everyone’s investment to plummet. It’s a classic market bubble. When it bursts it drags everyone down. Only in the market you catch investors who, with adequately good sense, have protected themselves through diversification. When you catch homeowners you catch everyone. Ordinary people who put all their eggs in this one basket not because they are bad investors but simply because they bought into the narrative that home ownership is the route to prosperity. Time was that everyone believed that as an article of faith. No longer. But not until we had a whole lot of wreckage to teach us otherwise.

Now let’s look at education. In Canada, the floating rate of interest on the federal portion of a student loan is prime plus 2.5 per cent. That is, in the most literal terms imaginable, the very definition of “sub-prime.” Our government is publicly acknowledging that investment in education is a sub-prime lending risk. That doesn’t mean it never pays off. That doesn’t even mean it’s a bad bet for everyone. That just means that spread out over a wide sample group it simply isn’t a very good bet, on average. And private lending institutions aren’t even eager to participate at that rate. Contrast that with the rates that professional students can expect on their student loans if they go to private banks. For degrees in law and medicine — education that banks consider to be good bets — students can expect to access sizable loans at straight prime rate or at prime plus 0.5 per cent. That’s what it looks like when the market believes in the value of an investment.

Some guidance for international students?

As soon as I know what the CICIC does, you’ll know too

A couple of days ago I wrote a quick piece titled “No guidance for international students.” Shortly thereafter, Mr. Yves Beaudin, the National Coordinator for the Canadian Information Centre for International Credentials (CICIC), showed up to correct me. I sent him some mail to suggest an interview and he’s accepted. As soon as something can be arranged we’ll have the results.

Here’s what I know now. The CICIC is primarily focused on supporting the recognition and portability of qualifications and educational credentials. It seems to work both ways–helping Canadians to navigate foreign systems and helping those foreign to Canada to navigate our domestic systems. And for that reason alone I’m already happy to promote them. This is a real need for all concerned and has been the subject of considerable attention. Apparently CICIC was conceived as a response to Canada’s obligations under a UN Convention on the subject. If you really want to read up on that you can do so here.

What I don’t yet know, and what I’m eager to find out, is whether or not CICIC is the answer to the other problems I was initially writing about. Credential assessment and recognition, while very important, is only one challenge for international students. As for the rest of it? Well, the jury’s still out.

I will say this much. The CICIC and Mr. Yves Beaudin are fast on the draw when it comes to their email. And I wouldn’t fault them for solving just one piece of the puzzle while the rest remains, if that turns out to be the case. But I guess we’ll all know soon enough. In the meanwhile, for international students who can’t wait, you can contact them here.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

No guidance for international students

Coming to Canada, you’re pretty much on your own

I recently received yet another email from a concerned international student looking to study at a Canadian school. The details don’t really matter, but suffice it to say that this student dug up a year-old article of mine from On Campus about a lawsuit happening at this school but unrelated to his proposed program, and wanted to know if he should reconsider. And oh yeah, could I recommend another program that might be better for his purposes — anywhere in North America.

I get this sort of mail fairly regularly. While I’m usually able to say at least something useful, I’m always stumped by just how little international students know about post-secondary education in Canada. To begin with, for example, this fellow was looking at a college program. Does he know and appreciate the difference between “college” in Canada and “college” in the U.S.? He was, at least, looking at a reputable public college. But quite often international students get sucked into the (largely unregulated) private career college system. Seeing the difference between the two systems, from half a world away, must be darn near impossible. And all of that is before we even start to talk about money questions, visa issues, professional licensing, etc. It’s frustrating for me when I get so many questions I can’t answer, or where I can only scratch the surface of these issues, but I can’t blame international students for mailing me. They have few enough options.

Often, when we talk about Canada’s obligations to our international students, we seem to speak in terms of sharing the opportunities we enjoy here, creating jobs and scholarships, expanding work visas, and so on. But the truth is that many international students really do just come here to get their education and intend to return home with it. They are pursuing foreign credentials for any number of reasons, but most of them would be recognizable to any Canadian student. It’s a way for those who can afford it to combine travel with school. It’s an opportunity to prove or to polish fluency in English. It may be a gateway to an international career. It could simply be a way to distinguish one’s credentials from out of the pack of job applicants when the day comes. But really, any of these reasons are very similar to why a Canadian student might choose to study in France rather than Toronto.

The challenge of accommodating these students in our system is more one of information than resources. The resourcing decision, for good or for ill, was made some time ago. Aside from whatever merit-based scholarships may exist for the top cut of students, international students are expected to bear the full cost of their education in Canada. In some cases they may even supply positive revenue (what we would otherwise call profit) for the schools that host them. And this is a point of contention for some people, but it seems what’s most important at this stage is to ensure that students who are investing very significant sums of money here at least have the opportunity to invest wisely. And here’s where we fail.

I will observe that some individual schools are doing a pretty good job with international student services. I want to compliment those efforts. The issue I’m talking about, however, occurs before students commit to an individual school, and when they’ve decided to study in Canada but aren’t sure where they should start. Before these students commit to a school there’s very little available in the way of help, and if they commit to the wrong school or act on bad information it may be too late afterward. And of course there’s always the fact that sometimes these students need to be warned away or protected from the schools themselves, and in these cases we can hardly rely on internal services to do that.

For a student coming over from South Asia (or equivalent) it may well be the case that any destination in the country (or on the continent!) is equally convenient. What that student wants is a good education with good opportunities to follow. And there is simply no centralized resource to which that student can turn for information. Anything to fill this void would be a serious undertaking — probably one requiring cooperation between the federal government and the governments of the various provinces and territories — but considering how much money comes into Canada each year from foreign study and how important these markets are to our international identity, I’d argue it’s an important investment to make. Not to say we need to be in the business of actively marketing ourselves to foreign students. The strength of our system seems to speak for itself. But once we’ve decided to accept their enrolment and their tuition, you’d think we’d offer them more in the way of guidance to ensure they leave Canada with good memories and a positive experience, rather than feeling like they’ve been duped, neglected, or simply ignored.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

Photo: Getty Images

Police raid on U of T graduate students’ union

Still more questions than answers

Early Sunday morning (or late Saturday night–depending on perspective) police raided the offices and space of the Graduate Students’ Union (GSU) at the University of Toronto. They arrested approximately 70 activists who were billeted there, using the GSU’s pub and small gymnasium as temporary accommodations for the G20 summit protests. Along with the visitors, police arrested Daniel Vandervoot, the GSU’s External Commissioner, and another executive who is as yet unidentified. Thus far they have not yet been released from custody.

The GSU has issued a press release condemning the arrests and they are supported in a similar statement by other student groups and by Canadian Union of Public Employees. This is essentially the same group of organizations that opposed campus closure in the first instance and which defied it by maintaining their own operations to the greatest extent possible.

Anton Neschadim is an Executive-At-Large with the GSU and he has the unenviable task, at present, of fielding inquiries from the media, from university administration, and from distressed friends and family members of those detained. Anton stresses that he was not on site for the arrests and was not responsible for coordinating the billeting of visiting activists, but with the two executives who were responsible still in police custody he was willing to answer some questions for us.

In their press release, the GSU “categorically denies any involvement in any undemocratic activity.” This seems a vague claim, so I asked Anton to clarify. He says “we did not provide the use of our space for any kind of illegal, undemocratic activity.” Although not blind to the possibility that one or more guests of the GSU might have committed some crime during the protests, Anton states that there is currently no evidence of this.

The GSU took steps to acquire signed waivers from all their guests. So there is, somewhere, a reasonable list of who was staying there. Unfortunately police took these documents with them when they raided the space and so that information is unavailable. Anton states that guests of the GSU would have been people from the student movement, and that some collaboration with the Toronto Community Mobilization Network was part of this arrangement.

The worst case scenario, naturally, would be if those responsible for any of the violence in Toronto were using the GSU offices as a staging ground–either as invited guests or else by mingling with them. Clearly police are attempting to convey this idea and raided the space on that theory. They describe “weapons of opportunity” in the form of bricks and sharpened sticks, as well as black clothing found on site. Anton points out, quite rightly, that these objects are fairly ubiquitous. The GSU has sticks for their picketing signs on hand and there are bricks and stones all over the U of T campus. The suggestion that there is something inherently suspicious in owning a black t-shirt is too absurd to even engage with it.

What if, despite all this, one or more GSU guests really are guilty of something violent? Anton confronts this possibility head on. “We’re really not responsible for any individual’s actions. Steps were taken but we’re not police. The type of accommodation we provided was for allies and friendly individuals and organizations that we commonly work with.” He likens the GSU’s relationship to their guests as similar to that of any hotel or hostel. And while that may be a little disingenuous it does raise an interesting point. Everyone from outside Toronto who was here this past weekend was surely staying somewhere. Are the friends and family members of every outside visitor made personally responsible for their actions simply by giving them a place to sleep?

To their credit, the university administration seems to be adopting a “wait and see” approach to these arrests, and is not willing to condemn the GSU simply for hosting guests in its space. While understandably very concerned, Anton reports that the university is still “gathering facts and information around what happened” and is in close communication with the GSU. Anton also states that the university was informed the GSU would be billeting people, as it has done in the past for similar events and occasions.

Looking at the arrests as an outside observer, it’s hard to agree with demands that “all arrested activists be released.” No one is currently in a position to know what charges may be laid against the guests of the GSU, and it may indeed be the case that someone was involved in genuinely criminal acts. But it’s also obvious that even if this were true, it would be only a few out of the 70 or so arrested on site who fall into this category. Most (if not all) were simply in the wrong place, at the wrong time, yet for the right reasons.

It may fly in the face of the “arrest ‘em all!” mentality that has pervaded the media in wake of some truly regrettable violence on the streets of Toronto, but the mass arrests at the GSU offices should be a reminder to everyone that Canadian law does not promote guilt by association. While the GSU may have been inviting problems by hosting friends and like-minded activists for this event, they hardly become guilty by extension even if someone did something criminal and stupid elsewhere in the city that day, and neither do the other activists who were arrested on site with them. As more news develops around these arrests, it should prompt some tough questions about just how much freedom we are willing to surrender in the name of security.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

Reviewing U of T’s campus closure

Hindsight very similar to foresight

When the University of Toronto announced it would be shutting down for the duration of the G20 there was a wide range of opinions on the subject. Student unions felt the campus should remain open. CUPE (representing university employees) supported openness as well, though with concern for the safety of its members. The faculty association was miffed about a lack of consultation and dialogue around the measure but stopped short of disagreeing with it. And the university issued a public statement that contributed, according to some, to the impression that protesters are inherently violent and that the threat to the campus is entirely one-sided.

The G20 is now officially over and life has resumed on campus. One can hardly say the protests have ended, as one of the largest yet is occurring this very moment outside police headquarters downtown, but the likelihood that this will directly impact U of T is much smaller now that the designated protest site is gone from Queens Park north. In fact this site didn’t stay designated very long, and police swept through it in the evening on Saturday, dispersing protesters throughout the campus and forcing them northwards. This seems a good time to review the university’s decision with the benefit of hindsight. But it doesn’t seem as though anyone’s opinions have changed.

U of T’s latest announcement on the subject combines discussion of arrests on campus (see below) with general statements such as this: “Unfortunately, G20 summits have been accompanied by violence in recent years.” In the nuanced world of media phrasing, it would be a huge difference to even say that G20 conferences tend to “inspire” violence, as this would at least leave the door open for interpretation as to who’s fault that happens to be. Adam Awad, speaking on behalf of the University of Toronto Students’ Union (UTSU) representing undergraduates, says that “police actions over the weekend were heavy-handed and an affront to people’s rights to freedom of speech and peaceful assembly.” This perspective includes the view, hardly unique to student groups, that a significant portion of the problem is caused by authorities rather than protesters.

Professor George Luste, President of the university faculty association (UTFA) concedes that “it really wasn’t viable or safe or prudent for the university to continue business as usual.” He points out, however, that the university’s decision was made hastily and without consultation outside the most senior levels of administration. As before, even if the university’s decision was necessary, more sensitivity around tone and approach, as well as details of implementation, might have gone some way to achieve greater consensus. This is the one thing just about every critic agrees upon.

Looking back on the summit, Awad offers the sort of assessment that has become common amongst groups opposed to the event. “No event warrants this level of police presence and officially-sanctioned brutality against civilians. It is a testament to the lack of integrity of the G20 summits that such a high level of security was required and that so many people were unjustly arrested.” He finds some unlikely support from Professor Luste, who is certainly expressing his individual opinion when he offers this view: “All of the riot police looked like Darth Vadars. Were I confronted with that it would have inflamed me. This sort of measure provokes a response even from people who are otherwise neutral.” He notes that intimidation tactics tend to encourage either submission or aggression in reply, leaving room for no middle ground.

CUPE 3902 was unfortunately not available for a follow up at this time, very likely still dealing with the consequences of the G20. The Graduate Students’ Union (GSU), meanwhile, has made their position abundantly clear through their actions, and theirs is a story still developing. What we know at this time is that the GSU opened their space, including a small pub and gymnasium, to temporarily host protesters coming to Toronto for the G20. On Saturday night that location was raided by police and a significant number of people were arrested. While its certainly clear the GSU stood by their resolution to keep the campus open and accessible for the G20, further details about the nature of the arrests and the reasons for them are not yet available. We’ll update as we can.

Another peaceful protest at Queen and Spadina

Until it wasn’t

I don’t think I have the right to use this photograph here, but I’d urge everyone to have a look at it because it’s already iconic. Here’s another really good one of the same scene. Now think again about what civil dissent has looked like on the streets of Toronto this weekend.

For complete coverage of this story click here

I wasn’t at Queen and Spadina when the lines finally closed in around an otherwise peaceful protest. It was the same thing we’ve seen again and again throughout the weekend. It was the same thing when the police cleared the “designated” protest site at Queens Park north. It was the same thing last night when I was boxed in with 80 or so demonstrators outside the Pape/Eastern detention center. It’s the same thing now–only this time they’ve boxed in an immense number of people and the media and television crews who were there to film the (non-existent) riot and the (non-existent) violence have started to notice the other story. Quite a number of them have unwittingly become part of the story, finding themselves on the other side of police lines, treated as protesters, identifying with protesters, or simply arrested no matter their press credentials.

This is a breaking story as I write this. I’ll head back out in a moment. But for those tired of the media storm and sick of the images of burning cars out there, please tune in to your televisions tomorrow, read a variety of news sources, and hear what journalists are trying to tell you; what they are already telling us via twitter in real time. The ability to peacefully assemble and to protest in Toronto has been entirely suspended. It doesn’t matter who, where, how, or what you’re saying. The new police power is essentially “leave as soon as we say so or you’re part of the problem and will be arrested.”

As you read these accounts from other journalists and media types who finally experienced what it’s like out there, please consider that Queen and Spadina was not a unique encounter–only the biggest and perhaps the final one. Police tactics and mentality of this sort do not excuse violence. Please do not imagine I am suggesting otherwise. But also, don’t allow yourself to be tricked into regarding anyone who refuses to immediately and unconditionally cooperate with every police demand issued for every reason as “violent.” Police have never had unilateral powers to order our citizens in this way and they still do not. Our rule of law has not changed.

Or maybe it has. It’s terrifying to me how many people feel this is a measured and appropriate response. Show some scary stuff on television, create an identifiable fear-inducing peril (the Black Bloc!), rope the media into cooperating with your message with constant and repeating coverage of the same material and bam, you’ve got a blank cheque. At least in America it took 9/11 to threaten their commitment to civil liberties. It’s sad how much they compromised but anyone would admit they had good cause. In Canada, for all we trumpet our civic values, all it takes is repeating video images of some police cars that were burned yesterday, and a few damaged Starbucks, and too many people are eager to be rescued on any terms at all.

Think carefully what you wish for.

No room for peaceful protest

Legitimate demonstrators are frustrated by both anarchists and police

In my last piece on protest at the G20 summit in Toronto some seem to have missed the most essential point I was trying to make. I was almost arrested in a confrontation with police that came within a hair’s breadth of becoming violent, yet the action I was a part of was as non-violent and as peaceful as any action on the streets could be. As I prepare to head downtown for the second day of continuing protest activity–in the genuine hope of avoiding anything violent–I’m left wondering what could possibly be done differently.

For complete coverage of this story click here

We were gathered on the sidewalk and within the bike lane of the street in a largely industrial area. Organizers were making genuine effort to keep everyone in that space and to avoid impeding traffic, even though there was little enough to impede. Even at the point where police blocked off traffic themselves we tried to stay on the sidewalk to avoid giving them any excuse. We were loud. I’ll give them that. And it was 1am. If that’s sufficient grounds for arrest then we were all guilty, and if anyone reading this genuinely believes that a bit of noise is an unfair imposition on the life of Toronto streets then so be it. But I want everyone to understand what we’re talking about here.

If protesters are not allowed to peacefully congregate and make noise without being threatened with arrest and forcibly removed from the areas where they have gathered then we are inevitably faced with the circumstances we now have. People are milling about aimlessly and then congregating in new places. What police call tactics I call the logical consequence of dispersion. You can’t tell people they are allowed to protest on the one hand and then push them off every space where they attempt to do so without creating frustration and problems. If a peaceful demonstration on a side street outside the largest concentration of police in the city (we were demonstrating directly outside the detention center) and far away from the G20 security fence isn’t going to be tolerated, then what is?

Bill Blair has repeatedly claimed that violent black bloc protesters are infiltrating peaceful demonstrations and hiding behind the “curious and the naive.” While this may at times be true it omits consideration of the fact that peaceful protesters aren’t entirely stupid and those who wish to avoid violence are reasonably good at policing themselves. But this only works when peaceful protesters can congregate and successfully establish a sense of identity and community spirit. When strangers are wandering around together no one is going to step up when violence happens. It would be dangerous and foolish. Even police are traveling in squads. But when peaceful protesters are gathered in groups with other peaceful protesters they can protect their action from outside elements. And they try really hard to do so.

I do not fault the police for their response to violence and aggression. There is no doubt in my mind that at least some of the people detained genuinely deserve it and a good number of people who aren’t presently detained deserve it too. But enough of this stuff about how protesters have “ruined it for themselves.” The fact that police response is justified in one or more occasions does not justify a citywide crackdown. And it’s insane that police have tried to characterize people who simply want to witness for themselves–rather than trust the official narrative of events–as part of the problem.

I hope nothing goes badly this evening. I really really do. But in the event that it may, I’d urge everyone to remember that even the most peaceful of protests have been repeatedly shut down by police and that they’ve already overrun the site that was officially designated for peaceful assembly. The resultant chaos is their own fault as much as anyone’s. Much as I’d prefer peace in my city to anything else right now, I can’t escape the sense that these are the occasions when our true commitment to free expression is tested. And I simply can’t accept a version of free expression that exists only until the authorities find it inconvenient. Even if someone on the other side of the city, earlier in the day, did something violent and stupid.

On the front lines at the G20

Images of violence, as striking as they may be, are not the whole story

I’m standing next to a nice young woman at the corner of Pape and Eastern as she calls her friend to explain how she is almost 100 per cent sure that she is going to be arrested, along with the 80 or so people still gathered with her on the street corner. I am certainly included in that number. She is trying hard to sound calm about it but there’s an edge to her voice. It’s really hard to know what is about to happen next. But I agree with her. It looks awfully likely that I’m about to get arrested.

Related: Violence and chaos in Toronto

Campus under siege

Saturday morning I started my day by addressing a room full of student leaders in Calgary. That’s an entirely different story, but my plane landed in Toronto around 9:50pm and from that point forward I’ve been on a mission to get the story of the G20 from the ground level. In my original coverage of the G20 I was most concerned about the “designated” protest site smack dab in the middle of University of Toronto. That site was overrun by police earlier in the day and I wanted to see what it looks like afterward. So that’s where I started.

Just north of Bloor I begin to feel the heavy police presence in the city. They’re traveling routinely in squads of eight. But as an upstanding citizen I figure the easiest way to get started is simply to ask them where stuff is happening. They point me at Allan Gardens, where protesters established a tent city earlier in the day. I thank them and make a note to check it out. Less than five feet away a helpful stranger named Kevin gives me the real story. The next place to be is outside the temporary detention center where those already arrested are being held. And boy is he right–but it will take me a while to get there.

Kevin is a part-time faculty member at Concordia University. He came down to Toronto for the G20 protests and to see his grandmother. These two activities are unrelated. He got his start protesting in Quebec City in 2001 and has stayed interested since. His opinion is that police have done an excellent job of separating and dispersing crowds. He says this with an air of appreciation. There are rules to this game and this far, at least, the police are playing within them. As a result things have stayed somewhat disorganized. But he also feels that the heavy police presence is beyond anything that could be called reasonable and that it’s provocative in and of itself.

As I’m talking with Kevin, another squad of officers have approached from the south and they are escorting a couple of young guys who look awfully unhappy. The two squads merge and they joke about the trouble makers they’ve caught. Now we’re surrounded by sixteen officers in full riot gear and the new ones are eying us suspiciously. We excuse ourselves and cross the street. I can already see Kevin’s point. I haven’t done a thing wrong and I’m already intimidated.

Queens Park north is a mess but it’s no more of a mess than I’ve seen many times. All sorts of things are organized in that park and clean up is always incomplete. I survey the campus for signs of damage and find nothing to speak of. From what I can tell the University of Toronto escaped relatively unscathed. But that doesn’t mean the administration was wrong to close the campus. Even on a Saturday buildings, staff, and any students who would have been around could easily have been caught up in the chaos of the day. Based on events thus far, the university seems to be vindicated.

Just about everyone has moved on from the site but an enterprising man with a shopping cart is collecting bottles and cans to return to the beer store. He’s all smiles and says it’s his second load and that he’s made a hundred bucks today. It’s nice that at least someone is benefiting from this and it’s a reminder that for most people the demonstrations are half political statement and half street party–one where they tend to leave their empties behind. The few images of violence, as striking as they may be, are not the true story. They are just a small part of it.

I realize that if I’m going to find the action it’ll be at Pape and Eastern, where the detention center is located. That’s quite a ways away and transit is questionable. Fortunately I’ve got my bike. The ride across the city at night is hardly safe but there’s a lot of people doing it. Dissent in Toronto generally travels on two wheels. Now I’m getting the nod from folks on the street who accept that I’m out to make a statement just like they are. As I get near the site I manage to join a small band of other cyclists. It’s nice to have some company. There’s safety–or at least a greater sense of it–in numbers.

We approach the detention center from an odd direction and it briefly seems as though no one is there. The site is huge and based in an old film studio. We find one young woman, all alone, who has staked out an entrance to the facility. Her name is Caroline and she’s from the University of Manitoba. Her boyfriend was arrested earlier in the day and she’s come to rescue him. She’s joking, of course, but there isn’t much else for her to do. She claims they were protesting peacefully and based on her views I have no trouble believing it. She’s upset at the violence and believes that it has “delegitimized the actual protest.” She finds the police presence to be “insane” but she has no desire to clash with them. She’s quite glad some company has arrived. On a dark night, in the middle of an industrial district, a little solidarity is a good thing.

As it turns out there’s actually a party in full swing just down the street and we haven’t quite found it yet. Another group on foot tromps confidently past us and we follow them. There’s a band with a tuba on the street corner and some dancing. People are having a good time. It’s 1am and we’re making a whole lot of noise. There’s no denying that. But otherwise there’s nothing threatening or destructive about the group.

Violence and chaos in Toronto

Plenty of blame to go around for G20 protests turning violent

To this point, my coverage of the G20 protests in Toronto has come from the perspective of its impact on the University of Toronto. I remain very concerned about that, and I’ll shortly have some reactions from figures within the university and I’ll be on campus to survey the damage. As Leslie Jermyn, Chair of CUPE local 3902 (University of Toronto) has observed, violence and damage sells and that’s what the mainstream media (meaning us) want to report on. Well, I can’t deny the premise that violence sells, because you can hardly turn on a television just now without watching footage of a burning police car on the streets of Toronto. But speaking personally, I sure as hell don’t like it. I’d rather have a slow news day and see my city remain intact, thank you very much.

For background click here.

Also see On the front lines at the G20

So what’s left to say about the protests and protesters that hasn’t been said already? The great majority of people who tried to exercise their democratic rights to free expression came with peaceful intent. Whatever messages they might have delivered have been largely lost in the chaos. No one gives a damn why anyone would choose to throw a paper box through the window of a Starbucks. No message goes along with that act–other than a general projection of violent anger. And so the people who commit such acts are directly responsible for the silencing of every other voice.

Very often those who come with a cause and with a statement to make are fond of saying that they respect a diversity of tactics in protest and expression. Notions of solidarity compel many who might otherwise voice their disapproval to suggest tolerance for this sort of thing. I share no such view. I want to go on record as saying that the violent acts in Toronto today are stupid. They achieve nothing. And most of the violence comes from people who have little thought of achieving anything anyway. This isn’t public expression in any true sense–it’s just extreme sport.

I have no way to gauge how much of the violence was committed by foreign individuals who came to Toronto for this purpose and how much is the fault of local idiots. Certainly statements from Mayor Miller (bless his optimistic little heart) suggest that we’d all prefer to blame outsiders. But it would be a mistake to ever underestimate the power of a public circus. Even if Canada has relatively few professional anarchists, the desire to be part of the event inevitably motivates a lot of followers and joiners to jump into the mix. They add to the total wreckage, even if the worst stuff is coming from a deeply committed few, and most importantly they provide cover for the genuinely violent amongst them.

I’m mad as hell at what’s been done to my city. I’ve lived in Toronto all my adult life and I recognize every location and street corner on the news even before I’m told which shop has been vandalized, which corner has the burning car, and where police are clashing with protesters now. I have plenty of blame to go around. It was stupid to host this in Toronto. Decisions were made hastily, with little communication and no consultation. Locating the “designated protest site” in the middle of U of T was asinine. Just as I predicted, protesters have been pushed back from the legislature and into the heart of the campus. Police have actually pushed right through this zone in an effort to disperse people, and while it’s understandable they’d want to do that it rather defeats the point of a designated site if people aren’t allowed to stay there. And yes, I blame the violent elements amongst the protesters and anyone who willingly provides them with safety in numbers. Nothing justifies this.

Now I’m heading downtown to see how big a mess has been made of the city I love.

-Image originally published at Macleans.ca

Campus under siege

Update: G20 protest turns violent

With G20 protests just ramping up in Toronto it’s worth remembering one thing. Whatever may happen on University of Toronto campus grounds, the university sure didn’t ask for this.

Update: G20 protest turns violent

Also see: On the front lines at the G20

Although it’s still uncertain just how much action to expect in and around the “designated” protest site at Queen’s Park North, what is certain is that the university isn’t taking any chances. The decision to essentially shut down the main campus for the duration of the G20 was swift and, for many stakeholders in the university, quite sudden. But then this sort of decision making has been a hallmark of the G20 from the start. With little warning the summit was suddenly in Toronto. Then the protest site was relocated from Trinity-Bellwoods Park (far from U of T) to the virtual centre of the university. And then the university announced it was closing shop. This will extend from the evening of June 23rd through the weekend, with the university resuming business as usual on Monday the 28th.

Two days of classes and numerous events on campus have been canceled. This period also includes summer exams, so some students will face difficult rescheduling while others may simply be glad for the extra time to cram. Those living in residence–an eclectic group of resident summer students, visitors from other institutions, guests and tourists–have been required to move out and either stay away for the duration or relocate to other housing provided for them. Graduate students have lost access to their laboratories and research facilities. Thousands of students have been affected, to varying degrees.

Dr. Cheryl Misak, Vice-President and Provost of U of T, describes this process as “a very complex and difficult set of decisions” forced on the university. When the residents around Trinity-Bellwoods complained about damage and disruption in their community, summit officials dropped the problem unceremoniously on the university, with buildings and facilities on three sides of the park and the provincial legislature to the south. If protesters end up spilling over in any direction they aren’t likely to overrun the legislature, so the alternative consequence is obvious. In anticipation of this, campus residences have moved their students elsewhere and every door that can be shut will be. But then universities aren’t well designed to go on lock down.

What the university should have done may be a moot point, now, but it presents an interesting problem to groups on campus who simultaneously sympathize with the goals of protesters but also have their own members to think of. Leslie Jermyn, Chair of CUPE local 3902 (representing university employees) defines the problem in terms of conflicting responsibilities. “I think there are motivations (for closure) that I can comprehend. On the other hand, I feel that the university is a public institution and as such has a greater responsibility to the public and to the community.” Meanwhile the University of Toronto Faculty Association, in debating the issue, was only able to arrive at a motion stating that the university should have consulted them first. Professor George Luste, President of UTFA, expresses concern for faculty research and dangers associated with it. “We have buildings with chemicals, radioactive material, animals, etc. I don’t think they could have kept it open with business as usual.”

Student groups, meanwhile, seem less restrained in their opinions and have gladly launched a No Campus Closure movement. They are simultaneously calling on the university to reverse its decision (not remotely possible now, if it ever was) and vowing to maintain their own operations as much as possible. They were also surprisingly hard to interview for this story. The Graduate Students’ Union referred only to their press release for information, while the University of Toronto Students’ Union, which represents undergraduates, missed three separate invitations to air their views. Presumably they are all too caught up in the event at this stage. But Jermyn, on behalf of CUPE, took up the challenge of offering a more nuanced view in dissent.

“The panic around where we’re going to locate the protesters suggests that the protesters are the problem. There are always people who want to do property damage, or want to make a statement that we may not agree with, but the bulk of people are there to make a peaceful statement and to stand in solidarity.” For Jermyn, it isn’t so much the university’s decision that is objectionable as the terms in which it is presented. “It feeds into the kinds of images that the mass media wants people to see–rioting and violence.” Unfortunate though it may be, coverage of the event thus far bears out this theory. And the expectation of violent confrontation only builds tension and makes it that much more likely.

Amid all of this cynicism around campus, and the expectation of violence, one small island within the university has defied the general trend and intends to remain open. Massey College is an independent graduate and professional residence on campus and therefore not beholden to the university’s orders. Though it has a reputation as a conservative institution it appears less concerned about the idea of unruly protesters than most. John Fraser, as resident Master of Massey College, promotes a more laissez faire approach.

Living on social assistance

Looking back at the “OSAP diet” campaign

Some time ago I wrote a couple of pieces about OUSA‘s campaign revolving around the so-called OSAP Diet. The idea was to draw attention to the fact that post-secondary students, living on OSAP, are budgeted at $225/month for food, or $7.50 a day. I’ll draw your attention to the older stories if you want to catch up, but suffice it to say that a lot of the debate revolves around whether or not students should reasonably be expected to cook their own meals and pack lunches for themselves, and whether or not a daily Starbucks “coffee” (read $5 frappasomething) constitutes a necessary food expense.

Related: The OSAP diet and the student lifestyle
Related: Budgeting for the real world

Now I’m all for giving students a livable budget for their studies, and we can debate back and forth just what that budget should be, but I was underwhelmed then and I remain incredibly skeptical now about the verbiage thrown around in context of this campaign. Students continually referred to this as “poverty” (for which no official definition exists in Canada, by the way) and suggested it was simply impossible to eat healthily on this budget. I won’t put further words in the mouths of the OUSA campaigners, however, and if you’d like to view the results of their experiment you can do so here.

My major issue, all along, is that comparisons to poverty and even starvation are rather apoplectic when welfare recipients in Ontario (excuse me, “public assistance”) receive so much less. If students imagine that they are starving on $225 a month, you’d expect those on welfare to be literally dropping dead. And in fact the reality isn’t far short of that. If OSAP represents a diet then welfare is a real famine. It isn’t so much that I resent students for their campaign for more funds as I’m rather embarrassed when it ignores such a terrible and inevitable contrast. It suggests, much as I hate to admit it, that students are fine with our most vulnerable starving just as long as they can avoid packing their meals for school.

Anyway, I was reminded of this again when the Star (which is rapidly becoming Canada’s best investigative newspaper) ran a similar experiment. In context of The Stop’s “Do The Math” Campaign the Star asked some prominent Torontoians to try living on a true welfare diet. The results were very much like what OUSA wishes it could demonstrate about the OSAP situation. We’re talking about true, desperate poverty now–visits to the food bank, reliance on public agencies, excitement at receiving a doggie bag to take home following a free lunch. The article made me cringe. Now we’re not talking about students who simply fail at cooking their own meals. We’re talking about very competent adults using every tool they have, and still struggling.

Most affecting in this story was an observation from Catherine Mihevc, Councillor Joe Mihevc‘s 11 year-old daughter, and which pretty much secured my lifetime support of his political career. Their entire family participated in the challenge, and she said that she and her sister were rarely hungry because their parents let them eat first. For me that’s a part of my immediate family history. My grandparents were refugees and their children always ate first too, when things were bad. As the children got older they knew to leave enough for their mother, because otherwise she simply wouldn’t eat. And this is what true poverty looks like. These are the strategies that it teaches.

I hate to ever set one group’s claims in direct competition with another’s. There is no reason why adequate funding for post-secondary studies needs to come at the expense of livable public assistance, or vice versa. But I do wish OUSA could have adopted a wider view on this issue, because the OSAP Diet campaign unavoidably trivializes the real problems that some people experience in simply feeding themselves and their children. It locates the needs of those who rely on public assistance outside of any operative definition of human norms. And really, that is exactly the problem with the system as is stands. No one is even trying to be realistic. Welfare is viewed as a punishment, not as an adequate amount of money to subsist on. And that has got to change.

Anyway, it’s something to think about the next time you stop at Starbucks. Or perhaps even before you do.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

Leonard Cohen for Governor General

The Facebook campaign

We take it for granted today that social media is a force to be reckoned with — with students and younger folks leading the charge. It’s really amazing how fast this new reality took hold. I had my stint in student politics from 2003 to 2006 and I never leveraged social networking for that. It all came later. Well, I’m all socially networked now. But I still haven’t tried to use it to make a real point yet. Maybe I haven’t had a truly original point to make until now. Now I think Leonard Cohen should be our next Governor General.

For those who haven’t heard, Stephen Harper recently announced that he would not be recommending Michaelle Jean for a second term as Governor General. Although the Governor General is nominally the Queen’s representative, in actual practice it will be the Prime Minister’s decision as to who is appointed. This decision is effectively one that Mr. Harper can unilaterally make, but all kinds of practical constraints intrude. It has to be someone who won’t embarrass either the nation or Harper’s party. And for all that the Governor General may be very important for a brief time in some constitutional crisis (prorogation anyone?) the odds of this happening again any time soon are so long that it isn’t worth buying a lot of negative press with an unpopular choice. So where does that leave us? This is politics played in the theatre of public opinion. And this is what social media was made for.

So here is Leonard Cohen for Governor General – The Facebook Campaign. And really, why not? He is respected and even revered both internationally and domestically. He is fluently bilingual and is gladly claimed by both French and English Canada. He loves our nation in the quiet way only true Canadians understand. He is spiritual and morally centered without pushing his faith on anyone else. He’s a heck of a good choice in every respect, save perhaps that he’s probably too smart to get suckered into the job. That, and he makes a much better income on stage.

But leaving aside the unlikeliness of the choice, does having a bunch of people in a Facebook group really prove anything? I don’t know. I waffle back and forth on this one. But I do believe in the power of an idea. And social media gives me the power to turn a quip over breakfast into a potentially national movement to draft this man into office. And that’s pretty cool. If enough people join maybe we can actually get his name in the mix. Who knows?

What really matters, more than anything, is that we demonstrate to the government that we are indeed still watching. We care who represents our nation, even in a role that is often just ceremonial. Our choice for Governor General sends a message about who and what we are as a nation. The message I’d like to send to the world is that we’re a nation not afraid to be led by a poet.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

Ann Coulter and student reactionaries

She’s relevant because we are making her relevant

Until this week I knew very little about Ann Coulter and I liked it that way. I was vaguely aware of her as a deliberately provocative, talking-head right-winger. I had the sense that she was good at antagonizing people. That was about it. I had about as much interest in following her “work” as I do in Rush Limbauch’s oeuvre.

This week I can’t hide from her. She’s everywhere. Elections just ended at U of T with the usual accusations and counter-accusations, students at UTSC just approved an unprecedented and massive levy to fund a world-class athletics facility for use in the 2015 Pan-Am Games, wrestling continues unabated over the fate and status of First Nations University of Canada, and all I can bloody well hear about is this screwball American provocateur who has just about nothing relevant to say to Canadians and nothing informed to say to anyone. Someone please tell me why I’m supposed to care?

The freedom of expression angle I get. It’s important to pause once in a while to reflect on the importance of free speech and also on the occasional limits necessarily imposed on it. But honestly, can’t we have that debate in context of someone who is at least relevant? Ezra Levant is a home-grown topic of debate, speaking to and about Canadian issues. Ann Coulter is just a traveling gong show promoting nothing other than her own celebrity. And we let her! We even help her! Every line I’m writing this very moment gives her more of the commodity she’s so successfully selling — her own profile. She doesn’t care if we like her or what we say about her just as long as we keep listening and paying attention. And we sure are doing that.

The fact that this is playing out on our university campuses is no coincidence. Students make fantastic reactionaries. There’s a whole lot of good intentions there but not a lot of direction. So with very little of their own to say, student activists simply argue about what someone else is saying. Coulter opens her mouth and gets the whole thing rolling for us. She says something outrageous, some students argue she shouldn’t be allowed to say it, others defend her right to say it, and all of a sudden that’s the whole debate. Students aren’t saying anything at all–or at least nothing of their own. They’re just arguing over what Coulter said. And that’s just sad.

Maybe I’m bitter because the spat of Ann Coulter articles here are the biggest thing for On Campus in ages. Even the strike at York didn’t attract this much attention or this many comments. Students do have a lot of power and can set the agenda for discussion of post-secondary issues if they want to. But taking on real and complex topics is difficult. Getting all outraged about Coulter–or alternatively, getting all outraged over the suppression of Coulter–is easy. And as long as we keep getting distracted by every circus sideshow that comes to campus, it’s going to remain that much harder to bring attention to the real issues affecting post-secondary students in Canada today.

But hey, in the spirit of giving everyone what they want, here’s a video of Coulter saying outrageous things. Enjoy.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

Why pay your student reps?

Because really, it’s a worthwhile investment

For those in the Toronto area, city councillor Rob Ford is revving up for a probable campaign for mayor. This wouldn’t be especially relevant to student politics, save that Ford’s attitude towards budgeting and reasonable expenses in fulfilling his role as a city councilor has always struck me as symptomatic of a problem in student organizations. Ford is a cost-cutter and a penny-pincher. This is his major claim to fame and the source of his popular appeal. He’s against office budgets and funds used to communicate with constituents and he thinks everyone gets paid too much to run the city. And I’ve got to admit, any time I see money spent in stupid ways or on stupid things or paid to stupid people I feel the tug of his message too. But then I remember where it’s coming from.

Ford, you see, is quite independently well off. Rather than spend taxpayers’ money he’d prefer to spend his own. That’s how he funds events in his riding, and how his official office budget each year is $0, and how he can afford to suggest that everyone running Toronto (including himself) is overpaid. He doesn’t need the money. And while his public spirit is admirable, and sometimes I even like him despite my disagreement with his politics, I also have to wonder where it would lead us if we follow that attitude towards its logical conclusion.

When folks look at students’ unions and see people getting paid to represent their peers they often wonder how it can be justified. This sometimes applies to the student press as well, and other organizations where students may be paid to varying degrees. One common reaction is to think “if they really cared about doing the job, they’d do it for free.” Some even think “hey, I’m willing to do it for free — why would anyone want them instead?” And while these ideas are commendable, in a Rob Ford kind of way, they do circumvent an important question. Who can afford to simply volunteer and to do these jobs for free? Or more importantly — who cannot afford to?

Some positions on campus represent very significant commitments of time and energy. It’s not uncommon for these positions to simply require a reduced course load — either formally in the by-laws of the organization in question or informally due to the demands of the job. And again, while there’s some justice to the notion that these roles are assumed voluntarily and anyone who goes in with their eyes open should be prepared for the demands, this notion necessarily suggests that a certain kind of person need not apply. So the students who are poor and can’t afford to volunteer dozens of hours each week, or cannot possibly afford to extend the duration of their studies without some compensation, they are effectively barred from the jobs entirely. And is that what we want?

Here is where I think there’s a special onus on representative organizations to ensure that it’s possible for anyone (or at least most people) to represent their peers. Much as I may applaud some of Rob Ford’s sentiments, his politics essentially imply that city council should be run by independently wealthy individuals who can afford to pay their own costs and fund their own activities. And this is not representative democracy in any real sense. It can only lead to skewed politics and bad outcomes. Government by the wealthy inevitably becomes government for the wealthy.

Now in a student context, there are obviously two important limits. First, some student groups simply can’t compensate their representatives adequately and so must run on volunteerism. If there’s simply no other choice then so be it — you do what you’ve got to do. Second, there’s no reason that students need to be paid well for their commitments — only adequately. And yes, I have seen some student organizations where executive compensation seems to have got out of control. This too can lead to unfortunate outcomes, so really it’s all about striking a balance.

When there are competing demands for every dollar in an organization — and this is inevitably the case because there’s never enough money — it’s easy to wonder why we’d bother paying students or funding their commitments. But in fact it’s one of the best investments that any organization can make. If the people who run your organization and who represent students are not themselves typical students then your entire mission is skewed. It undermines everything you are hoping to accomplish. There will always be examples of money that isn’t spent well or of people who don’t earn what they’re paid. And it’s useful to have someone around who will keep an eye out for that, even if it’s a Rob Ford type. But that attitude cannot be allowed to deflect the entire mission of a student organization, which is to represent real students. And students, typically, cannot afford to take on full-time jobs for free.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. You can also follow me on Twitter.

Budgeting for the real world

The OSAP Diet experiment yields results already

My last piece was a response to the “OSAP Diet” experiment, as undertaken by the OUSA. On first pass I was underwhelmed by the idea. Living on $7.50/day for food doesn’t seem too radical to me. But unexpectedly I find the project has become very interesting. It’s demonstrating that students are shockingly ignorant about budgeting, food costs, and the world as it appears to anyone paying their own bills.

The Varsity ran a piece in their current issue, taking students’ reactions to the campaign. I’d love to link directly to the article in the paper but I think this content doesn’t make it to their website. If anyone can find it, somewhere, please let me know. In the meanwhile, I’ll simply say that six students at random were stopped on campus and questioned on the topic, including their own budgets and spending habits. The article comes with first names and photos, but I’ll omit them for now. Let’s just say I’m protecting the ludicrous. Their comments are as follows:

  • “I think it’s hard for students living on $7.50 a day to actually get things done. It adds to the stress of trying to live day to day. I’d spend about $20 a day, or try to anyway.”
  • “I don’t think it’s enough at all. If I were living alone, I think I’d spend over $20 a day on food. I mean, just one coffee is $5, and that’s almost the entire OSAP allowance.”
  • “I’d say I spend about $15 a day, not including alcohol, but that changes during exam time due to time constraints. I certainly couldn’t live on $7.50 a day.”
  • “A meal itself is $5-10, so I’d say I spend $30-40 a day. If they can do it, good for them–if they’re not thin and gaunt by the end, that is.”
  • “I’d say I spend at least $15, and I cook a lot, so that’s not even eating out. Good food costs more than junk food, too.”
  • “That’s definitely way too low for food. It’s possible, but a bit of a stretch. I probably spend about $15 a day.”

This is a sample group of six. Probably not enough to draw elaborate conclusions from. But I’ll make some preliminary observations and then I’ll suggest that I’d love to learn more and in fact I think this experiment could have wide implications for our approach to education.

First, we’ve got the $5 coffee again. Someone needs to find whoever it is at Starbucks who managed to redefine their elaborate concoctions as reasonable daily beverage purchases and give that person an award. But leaving aside the one rhetorical point, many students seem to classify daily retail food purchases as part of a standard, baseline budget. Some simply assume that every meal must cost whatever a restaurant is charging. The difference between eating on a budget and splurging on a meal is, apparently, the distinction between MacDonald’s and sushi. And that’s just insane.

Second, most students fail at cooking and have no sense at all of how to shop. For the ones who live at home with parents this may be considered normal, perhaps. But even so, you might expect they’d know the difference between grocery shopping on a budget and not. I hate to sound like an old guy here, grumbling stupidly about “kids today,” but when I was a kid my mother took me grocery shopping. And she showed me how to find cheaper stuff and things on sale. Hell, we even bought dented cans sometimes. I’m not saying every student needs to go that far and in fact we often didn’t. But at least I learned the difference.

The OSAP diet and the student lifestyle

Just how well should students expect to live while in school?

Okay, I’ll be the one to say it. I have no problem at all with the “OSAP Diet” as exposed by the Toronto Star. Apparently students funding their studies entirely on government loans are expected to survive on $7.50/day for food. And my reaction, mainly, is a big “so what?”

Related: Budgeting for the real world

First, let’s get the obvious (and somewhat spurious) argument out of the way. Social assistance in Ontario–still generally thought of as “welfare”–will provide $221/month to a single adult for all personal needs after housing costs. So this number includes food, clothing, hygiene products, transportation, etc. If that’s $3-4/day for food they’re lucky–and this ignores the fact that most welfare recipients need to dig into their $221 just to cover rent shortfall.

This is a spurious argument because I would never defend welfare as a livable income–not for anyone. Pointing out that some other group of people is being starved out of existence doesn’t prove that students are getting a fair deal simply because they receive more. But I am somewhat surprised that the “OSAP Diet” is a front page news item when the “Welfare Famine” is not. If educated, presumably competent young people can’t feed themselves on $7.50/day, then honestly, what do we think is happening to the people who rely entirely on public assistance? Do we even care?

Second, let’s agree that an ordinary person, with a little effort and attention, can indeed live on $7.50/day for food–assuming access to reasonable cooking facilities. Does it involve a fair amount of pasta, veggies, and bulk food preparation? Of course it does. Anyone who heads straight to the frozen food aisle and loads up on prepared meats might as well be eating out. The only thing to recommend frozen chicken fingers, really, is convenience. For what they cost by the pound you might as well get fast food. So yes, learning to shop and feed oneself on a budget is a skill, even a valuable educational experience.

There are some barriers and potential issues we should acknowledge. Not every student has access to a grocery store or to transportation. On my campus, the residence council (with support from the university) organized regular grocery van trips. That’s a service I’d want to see on any campus not within walking distance of groceries. Some students off campus simply don’t have access to reasonable cooking facilities. They get stuck in living arrangements they didn’t think enough about, and due to roommate problems, landlord problems, or other issues their “cheap” accommodation ends up costing far more than they realized. But that’s a problem of education too.

Some students have dietary restrictions that may increase their food expenses. That’s a huge problem with social assistance as well–adding to what is already a deeply unrealistic calculation–but I certainly endorse considering any unusual dietary expenses as a medical issue. I’m frankly not sure of the status of such claims within student assistance plans, and I’d be interested to learn more. There may be the kernel of a real problem lurking in this story after all. But for now, let’s stick with a typical student. That’s the thrust of this breaking news story, after all.

For all those “drop fees!” proponents who see this as further evidence that education is too expensive, I’d like to remind you that we are not remotely talking about the cost of education just now. We’re talking about the cost of living. The funding that students require to access education is still, in the majority, not required to pay for tuition but rather required to support their lives and lifestyles while they are in school. Which is fine. People need to live, after all. But if you want education to be affordable, and if you expect governments to subsidize it to that point, you need to eventually confront the question of just how much lifestyle the government has an obligation to fund for each student. And please, think carefully about that question because there isn’t an endless pot of money here. The more extravagantly you believe each student has a right to be supported, the fewer students in total can be funded.

Does your tummy hurt?

Gastrointeritis: symptoms may include a drastic lack of preparation for exams.

When a student goes to the doctor and complains of vomiting and stomach pains with no specific cause there’s a catch-all term that readily applies. Doctors call it gastrointeritis, a diagnosis that’s familiar to professors and instructors everywhere. So the doctor scribbles this word on a medical form of some description or other, and just like that the student has his or her “get out of exam free” card.

Students do occasionally become ill. And sometimes illness is badly timed and affects exams, midterms, and assorted deadlines. But this whole regime of medical notes is absurd and hypocritical and what’s more everyone knows it. The students who make a habit of such things know darn well they can get a note based on non-specific symptoms (i.e. “my tummy hurts”) any time they like. They even know which clinics to go to and how much they’ll charge. The doctors aren’t remotely qualified to evaluate any student’s ability to write an exam or complete an assignment while ill and still they’ll produce a note on the subject. And the administrators who require this exercise and the professors who receive the notes understand that 90 per cent or more of the claims are bogus, yet we continue to play the game by the agreed upon rules.

Again, the major problem here is the mistaken belief that doctors are qualified to judge whether or not a student is healthy enough to sit an exam. They are not. They receive no such training and any doctor will freely admit as much. When I was involved in Workplace Safety and Insurance work I had the opportunity to review a variety of documentation relating to injured workers and their ability to perform various tasks and jobs. Doctors who do this stuff for real are highly specialized and they spend a lot of time evaluating their patients before making a report. Even then their work is subject to doubt and controversy. It’s very subjective. So there is no way a family doctor, on the basis of a ten minute discussion, can genuinely report on a student’s ability to get his or her school work done. The diagnosis of gastrointeritis is nothing more than a repetition of the student’s claim about vomiting and stomach pain. There’s no possible test to verify these symptoms.

None of this is meant to suggest that I’m out to punish the poor “sick” students. Common wisdom accepts that students don’t really benefit from blowing off tests, from pushing deadlines, and from deferring exams. They get some relief in the short term, yes, but they only delay their problems. They do make more work for their instructors and that is kind of annoying at times. But they aren’t “cheating” in the sense that they gain anything. So the obvious solution is just to take students at their word and accept the stupid forms. I find myself doing it just as so many instructors have done so before. But it’s still a ridiculous exercise.

A very wise administrator once pointed out to me how truly stupid this all is by making this observation. The students who are genuinely sick don’t benefit significantly from seeing a doctor. The treatment for vomiting, stomach pains, and general flu-like symptoms (in other words, actual gastrointeritis) is just bed rest and fluids. Dragging yourself to a walk-in clinic and sitting around for a couple hours waiting for a note is just about the worst thing you can do. And on top of that, we’re just wasting doctors’ very valuable time with this pointless crap, by turning them into gatekeepers for an academic regime that needs to maintain the illusion of scrutiny. Surely their time could be better spent treating people who are actually ill.

For some this may come as news. If you never realized before how easy it is to get a doctor’s note, well, now you know. But it still isn’t in your interests to do it, so I wouldn’t recommend suddenly becoming “ill” the next time there’s a test. And for those who knew this already, you might as well be aware that we know it too. We know which doctors and clinics you are going to and we know exactly what you’re saying to them and we know how empty the process really is. We just don’t know what to do about it–aside from ensuring that the make up tests are harder than the originals and that no one (including the genuinely ill) ever derives any advantage from the process.

Sometimes, the system just doesn’t work very well for anyone. It makes my tummy hurt.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. Even the ones I don’t post will still receive answers, and where I do use them here I’ll remove identifying information.

Shooting rampage in Alabama – over tenure

Stress, isolation, anti-social problems not confined to students

The latest set of campus murders involves an assistant professor of biology at the University of Alabama-Huntsville. She is accused in the deaths of three of her colleagues, with three more reported injured. Reports and details are still coming in or being confirmed, but there are strong suggestions that her actions had something to do with her tenure review and the likelihood she had not passed it.

For the full story on CNN — no doubt to be updated as details emerge — check here:

A Harvard-educated biology professor has been charged with capital murder after the shooting deaths of three faculty members at the University of Alabama in Huntsville, authorities said Saturday.

There are layers to this story that will no doubt receive a lot of attention. There’s the relative rarity of a female mass shooter, for instance. And there’s the reported incident in her past where her brother was killed in a shotgun accident. And then there’s America’s strange fascination with Harvard — seriously, a lot of the comments go along the lines of “why would someone who went to Harvard throw away her life…?” As if attending that one institution somehow guarantees lifelong emotional and psychological stability. But the real story, for me, is in the tenure issue.

The University of Alabama-Huntsville is a tier three undergraduate college in the U.S. (read: not that good) that is already on the margins of professional success for a career academic. Don’t get me wrong — it’s a good gig, especially considering the state of the job market out there. But people who are bounced from the tenure track at an institution like that don’t land on their feet. Someone out on the job market again, in her mid-40′s, Harvard-educated or not, is in a bad place. People who are looking at this from the outside may not get that, but if the details regarding tenure denial are accurate, then this woman was indeed facing the probable end of her career.

I do not for an instant want to excuse this woman’s actions or to paint them as understandable. Most of us, in life, absorb blows to our egos and to our ambitions and respond with varying degrees of resiliency but under no circumstances do we react with violence. I would never excuse that. But when we talk about your “typical” campus shooter — some over-stressed kid who was just kicked out and can’t face up to the failure — we do address the subject with some degree of comprehension. We know, at least, why he snapped. And in that same sense, I think it’s important to know why this woman snapped.

Academia is vicious. Harvard or not, there are unemployed academics all over the place. I mean “unemployed” in the sense that they are utterly unable to secure the sorts of jobs their training and expectations revolve around. Of course they can work at Starbucks just as foreign-trained doctors can drive taxi cabs. Call them terminally marginalized as employees, if you prefer. But by any definition their situation sucks. And as we relate to students and the pressures they face — as explanation if not as excuse for their actions — I think we need to extend the same to academics.

People are describing this woman as odd, anti-social, and in similar terms. I’m sure it all seems obvious in hindsight — just like that quiet guy next door who kept to himself but never seemed to have any friends. Many academics are odd, so I can’t imagine how you’d work up a profile on that basis. I am not even in favour of profiling, necessarily. I remember in the wake of Columbine that any kid in a trenchcoat was suddenly suspect. How is that useful?

In any event, the fact remains that when you put people under enough stress and incubate the sense (sometimes justified) that they are being isolated then someone, eventually, is going to snap. The stress and isolation associated with students and their education is well-recognized. The stress and isolation associated with professional academia, and especially the large numbers of underemployed and marginalized academics operating at the fringes of the profession, is less well recognized.

I truly hope this never happens again, and certainly not any time soon. But I also have to admit that I wouldn’t be surprised if it did.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. Even the ones I don’t post will still receive answers, and where I do use them here I’ll remove identifying information.

Students, social media, and net rage

If social media empowers people, can that power be abused?

I’ve been in a minor twitter war lately on the topic of the #TTC. For those either not in Toronto, or else not paying attention, there has been a recent explosion of stories about transit employees slacking off on the job. The first was about a sleeping fare collector caught on camera. Fair enough – sleeping on any job has got to be a no-no. Then it was a bus driver caught on video while taking an unscheduled washroom break and getting a coffee. Now it’s become the thing to do to snap photos or film videos of TTC employees doing just about anything. And it’s getting a lot of attention.

On the one hand this is a good news story. It’s about citizens taking power over their public services, and it represents yet another victory of social media. The very same tools that allow dissidents in Iran to get their message out allow disgruntled TTC riders to get their point across too. Never let it be said I’m against that. But at some point there also has to be a limit. The problem has been expressed in any number of creative ways. Some say “little brother is watching you!” Some refer to citizen-paparazzi. I say that even a little bit of power can be abused, and if it’s abused by enough people then we have a big problem. But however we express the issue, I think we can all agree there must be a limit.

There are 10,000 or so TTC employees (warning – info from Wikipedia – in any event there are a lot) and if you aim enough cameras at all of them you’ll always catch someone. That’s life. If we start resenting people their coffees and their pee breaks, or make a public issue of it every time someone sneaks out back for a smoke, we’ll only succeed in making their lives intolerable. And in a world where turnabout is fair play, there’s decent odds someone will be making our own lives unbearable in return. This kind of war can’t end well for anyone. We’ve seen how social media can improve our lives. We may be on the verge of seeing how it can screw them up too.

Considering how wired and net-savvy most students are, I think this an issue that’s especially relevant to our generation. I’m also reminded of a minor but memorable event that occurred during my tenure on the local students’ union. We had a message forum for students. It was well-used and appreciated in its time. Then students started ragging on the local Tim Horton’s on our campus – complaining about the wait times, the service, and then about specific staff members. And I heard from one of those staff members as a result. She was genuinely hurt. Just a regular, minimum wage employee trying to do her job. The attention made her very uncomfortable. Her daughter attended the same campus. And I couldn’t help feeling as though we’d crossed a line. Today that line is even easier to cross, and in dramatic fashion.

There are justifiable complaints about the TTC, just as there are justifiable complaints about many other things. The ability to articulate and coordinate those complaints, as citizen-journalists and as participants in social media, is very powerful and important. But that power has got to be tempered with at least some sense of responsibility. If it is not, we risk not only harming people out of proportion to their individual blameworthiness, we also risk delegitimizing the very tools that have proved so effective.

It really does sadden me how often students are and feel disempowered. Just as TTC riders feel disempowered. And change is certainly overdue in both contexts. But I also think that people who are used to feeling disempowered, once they latch onto a bit of power, are sometimes apt to use it in negative ways. It’s an idea I’d urge everyone to think more about – especially before you aim your camera, or your iphone, or your blog at someone. It’s always in order to question and even attack institutions. But before you attack individuals be sure it’s warranted. Because next time it’s just as likely to be you.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. Even the ones I don’t post will still receive answers, and where I do use them here I’ll remove identifying information.

Mature students want to be understood

Conference at Ryerson draws large numbers, raises important issues

Some time ago I wrote a series of posts concerning mature students, starting with this one. It became an interesting discussion on the various resources that are available (or not available) for mature students. And it was at least part of the motivation for a mature students’ conference that just occurred at Ryerson University, a year later, and where I recently had the pleasure of speaking along with other very interesting panelists.

Big kudos to the Mature Students’ Association at Ryerson (MSAR) for organizing the first-time event. Hopefully it won’t be the last. Certainly the response would justify a regular conference. Of the 130+ attendees most were from the GTA, but a small contingent came down from Guelph and a single intrepid soul ventured down from Lakehead. Additionally, a group of students skyped in from Mount Allison. Isn’t technology wonderful? In any event, the response was enthusiastic, to say the least.

I won’t attempt to summarize the entire content of the conference but a few impressions seem particularly significant. First, just about everyone who doesn’t come from York was deeply envious of the very significant support that mature and part-time students enjoy at York, through the Atkinson Centre. Clearly York has set the standard to follow — and indeed the ability to reference such a benchmark will likely do a lot of good for mature students at other institutions. Good ideas may be emulated elsewhere. And as mature students are a growing demographic, no institution wants to be left behind on this one.

Of course we talked about future employment and the job market. I believe as much as anyone in learning for the love of it, but mature students have even less margin to ignore the financial realities than other students do. Jeremy O’Krafka from RECSOLU spoke on that topic, which is an area where the needs and concerns of mature students diverge especially from those of “traditional” students. His anecdote about younger students showing up with parents to speak with prospective employers struck a particular chord, but that’s probably a topic for another article.

As for myself, I contributed the observation that however much an institution may support mature students, the vast majority of campus resources and opportunities will still remain general to all students. So finding a way to access those opportunities and networks, while perhaps more difficult for mature students, is nevertheless critical. But as so often occurs, I was partially preaching to the already converted. The students who organized and showed up for this conference clearly know how to access the resources available to them. Some even accessed funding from their unions to attend.

Participants referred, on several occasions, to recent stories about how mature students are “competing” with younger school applicants. I agree that coverage of this sort is symptomatic of an unhelpful attitude that suggests mature students are somehow less legitimate as students. But a better observation on this topic is simply that it’s the new market reality. We keep hearing about how we’ll all have several careers, right? Well, for some, that necessarily suggests retraining. There’s no sense resenting older students for being where a lot of us will be in the future — there’s only a question of how the post-secondary system needs to adapt in response.

As a final observation, I sincerely hope that this growing interest among mature students in their shared identity and experiences forms the basis of a lasting association. The more mature students take an interest in their institutions and their education the happier I’ll be. Not only is it in their obvious self-interest to do so, but I also find that mature students exert a positive and productive influence on every student organization they become involved with. They are deeply motivated to be constructive — even while pursuing their criticisms — and a little more of that attitude would do a world of good for the student cause.

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Questions are welcome at jeff.rybak@utoronto.ca. Even the ones I don’t post will still receive answers, and where I do use them here I’ll remove identifying information.